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6 February 1944

6 February 1944

6 February 1944

February

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6 February 1944 - History

In the pre-dawn darkness of 1 February 1944 the battleship Indiana turned to leave the cruising formation of Task Group 58.1. Consisting of three aircraft carriers, three battleships, a light cruiser and nine destroyers (**: ships are listed below), TG 58.1 was steaming at ninteen knots through the Marshall Islands, supporting the invasion of Kwajalein Atoll. Indiana was under orders to refuel four destroyers, to be done at night to ensure a full anti-submarine screen during the following day's combat operations.

Indiana announced by radio at 0420 that she was turning towards the left and slowing to fifteen knots. However, her Commanding Officer, based on a "seaman's eye" evaluation of the situation, apparently thought better of that course and a short time later changed direction toward the formation's right. This was not reported to the rest of the ships and, about seven minutes after she began her turn, Indiana was seen close ahead of the battleship Washington 's port bow. The latter ordered her engines to "back, emergency full" and put her rudder hard left. Indiana also maneuvered in an effort to avoid a collision. However, in about a minute the two big ships ran together, with Washington 's bow scraping down the after portion of Indiana 's starboard side.

Both ships were damaged enough to require shipyard repairs, taking both out of combat at an inopportune time. Indiana 's starboard hull side was dished in and ripped open. Above deck, her after sixteen-inch gun turret rangefinder was damaged, several machine guns were destroyed, and her starboard aircraft catapult and a seaplane were torn off. Some sixty feet of Washington 's forward hull was ground away, causing its deck to flap down into the water. Ten lives were lost in this accident, six killed or missing on Washington and four on Indiana . The latter's Commanding Officer, whose actions were severely criticized by the ensuing court of inquiry, was relieved of command and not again employed at sea. In contrast, Washington 's Officer of the Deck was commended for "prompt and seamanlike action which almost averted the collision and definitely minimized the consequences." To reduce future risks of such collisions, the court of inquiry also recommended changes in the training of heavy ship captains, officers of the deck and combat information center watch officers.

As an indication of wartime industrial capabilities and priorities, both battleships were back in action rather quickly. Indiana , repaired by the Pearl Harbor Navy Yard, was able to participate in late April 1944 raids on the Japanese base at Truk. The more seriously injured Washington went to the Puget Sound Navy Yard, which fabricated and installed a new bow in less than three months. She was back in the combat zone by the end of May, in time to take part in the June 1944 Marianas campaign.

** : Task Group 58.1's carriers were Enterprise , flagship of Rear Admiral John W. Reeves, Jr. (Commander TG 58.1 and Officer in Tactical Command) Yorktown , flagship of Rear Admiral Marc A. Mitscher (Commander, Task Force 58) and Belleau Wood . Battleships included Washington , flagship of Rear Admiral Willis A. Lee (Commander, Battleships, Pacific Fleet, and Task Unit 58.1.3) Indiana , flagship of Rear Admiral Glenn B. Davis (Commander Battleship Division 8) and Massachusetts . The light cruiser was Oakland . Destroyers assigned to TG 58.1 were Clarence K. Bronson (DD-668), Cotten (DD-669), Dortch (DD-670), Gatling (DD-671), Healy (DD-672), Cogswell (DD-651), Caperton (DD-650), Ingersoll (DD-652) and Knapp (DD-653).

This page features all the views we have concerning the 1 February collision between USS Washington (BB-56) and USS Indiana (BB-58).

If you want higher resolution reproductions than the Online Library's digital images, see: "How to Obtain Photographic Reproductions."

Click on the small photograph to prompt a larger view of the same image.

Alongside USS Vestal (AR-4) for initial repairs, after colliding with USS Indiana (BB-58) during the Marshalls Operation, 1 February 1944.
Note serious damage to Washington 's bow.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 89KB 740 x 590 pixels

Underway with a collapsed bow, after colliding with USS Indiana (BB-58) during the Marshalls Operation, 1 February 1944.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 117KB 740 x 615 pixels

Damage received in her 1 February 1944 collision with USS Indiana (BB-58).
Note her collapsed bow, retained by anchor chains.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 159KB 740 x 610 pixels

Damage received in her 1 February 1944 collision with USS Indiana (BB-58).
Note accordian pleating of her side plating.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 152KB 740 x 615 pixels

Damage received in her 1 February 1944 collision with USS Indiana (BB-58).
View looks inboard through the opening in the hull forward of the starboard bow.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 131KB 740 x 615 pixels

At Majuro Atoll for repairs on 3 February 1944. She had collided with USS Washington (BB-56) during the night of 1 February, while taking part in the Marshalls operation.
Damage to her starboard hull side is visible below her after 16-inch gun turret.
USS Washington , whose bow was wrecked in the accident, is in the left background, alongside USS Vestal (AR-4).

Official U.S. Navy Photograph, now in the collections of the National Archives.

Online Image: 83KB 740 x 625 pixels

Reproductions of this image may also be available through the National Archives photographic reproduction system.

At Pearl Harbor on 13 February 1944, showing damage to her starboard side received in her 1 February 1944 collision with USS Washington (BB-56).

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 102KB 740 x 605 pixels

At Pearl Harbor on 13 February 1944, showing damage to her starboard side received in collision with USS Washington (BB-56) on 1 February 1944.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 110KB 740 x 605 pixels

At Pearl Harbor on 13 February 1944, showing damage to her starboard side received in collision with USS Washington (BB-56) on 1 February 1944.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 100KB 740 x 600 pixels

At Pearl Harbor on 13 February 1944, showing damage to her starboard side received in collision with USS Washington (BB-56) on 1 February 1944.
Tug YT-471 is assisting.
Note the "cage" mast mounted ashore in the left distance. It was removed from USS California (BB-44) while she was being salvaged following the 7 December 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.

U.S. Naval Historical Center Photograph.

Online Image: 93KB 740 x 615 pixels

In drydock at the Pearl Harbor Navy Yard while receiving temporary repairs, circa March 1944. Her bow was crushed in collision with USS Indiana (BB-58) on 1 February 1944, during the Marshalls operation.


Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Sheldrake » 09 Apr 2021, 13:02

Oh you don't mean revisiting the Casablanca conference and seeing if OP Roundup could be made to work in 1943? No side shows just the main effort on the obvious front. Just like how the American Civil War was won.

Montgomery thought it possible, in November and December '42 .

The prolonged Tunisian campaign probably put paid to the opportunity even had Brooke been in favour of it.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Gooner1 » 09 Apr 2021, 15:30

From 'Montgomery and the Eighth Army' edited by Stephen Brooks.

Letter to Alan Brooke 27 November 1942

" I have been thinking a good deal about our next moves when we have cleared up N. Africa. It is curious how very difficult it is to get any reliable news about what is happening over Tunis way, and as to what progress our force there is making. I am making plans to move on towards Tripoli after I have dealt with the Agheila position but maintenance and supply will be the very devil it is 750 miles from Benghazi, a very indifferent port, and there is only one road. However I daresay I will be able to do something about it.
After that I am not so sure. If the Bosche collects a really strong air force in Sicily and Italy I foresee great difficulties in any invasion of those parts.
It may well be that our offensive on land against the Germans would best be developed from England across the Channel this obviates all difficulties of shipping, air support, & so on we should be developing the offensive from a firm base.
It would be costly. But it would bring off a fight with the Germans.
I am quite certain that the way to deal with the German is to face up to him in battle, and fight him it is the only way to deal with him, because then you kill him. The trouble with our British lads is that they are not killers by nature they have got to be so inspired that they will want to kill, and that is what I tried to do with this Army of mine.
Given a large number of Americans I believe the invasion of western Europe could be brought off successfully next summer, about June when the weather is good. But the Army in England would have to be tuned up, and made battle worthy in no uncertain manner. However all these things are quite above my sphere my immediate business is to finish off Rommel and get to Tripoli but now and then one thinks of other things.”

Alan Brooke reply 12th December 1942
“. Your idea about future moves are NOT quite related to existing fact. In any case it is imperative to finish cleaning Germans out of North Africa first of all.”

The second letter goes into more detail but then Monty stays schtum.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Gooner1 » 09 Apr 2021, 15:59

Well the Allied Armies Italy could try and seize Elba if they wanted . Sans US VI Corps and the F.E.C. I don't see how any operations by the rump A.A.I. in May/June '44 would not end up like the Battle for Cassino part II and part III. Rather futile battles that ground down fine infantry battalions for little appreciable gain.

With what we know, if the Allies were determined to launch Anvil in June, the AAI would best go on the defensive, wait until say August when enough enemy troops have been drawn off to France and then mount a proper offensive.
Or, perhaps even better, go completely over to the defensive and transfer a couple of Corps to 21st Army Group.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Carl Schwamberger » 09 Apr 2021, 17:55

From 'Montgomery and the Eighth Army' edited by Stephen Brooks.

Letter to Alan Brooke 27 November 1942

" I have been thinking a good deal about our next moves when we have cleared up N. Africa. It is curious how very difficult it is to get any reliable news about what is happening over Tunis way, and as to what progress our force there is making. I am making plans to move on towards Tripoli after I have dealt with the Agheila position but maintenance and supply will be the very devil it is 750 miles from Benghazi, a very indifferent port, and there is only one road. However I daresay I will be able to do something about it.
After that I am not so sure. If the Bosche collects a really strong air force in Sicily and Italy I foresee great difficulties in any invasion of those parts.
It may well be that our offensive on land against the Germans would best be developed from England across the Channel this obviates all difficulties of shipping, air support, & so on we should be developing the offensive from a firm base.
It would be costly. But it would bring off a fight with the Germans.
I am quite certain that the way to deal with the German is to face up to him in battle, and fight him it is the only way to deal with him, because then you kill him. The trouble with our British lads is that they are not killers by nature they have got to be so inspired that they will want to kill, and that is what I tried to do with this Army of mine.
Given a large number of Americans I believe the invasion of western Europe could be brought off successfully next summer, about June when the weather is good. But the Army in England would have to be tuned up, and made battle worthy in no uncertain manner. However all these things are quite above my sphere my immediate business is to finish off Rommel and get to Tripoli but now and then one thinks of other things.”

Alan Brooke reply 12th December 1942
“. Your idea about future moves are NOT quite related to existing fact. In any case it is imperative to finish cleaning Germans out of North Africa first of all.”

The second letter goes into more detail but then Monty stays schtum.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Juan G. C. » 09 Apr 2021, 19:12

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Richard Anderson » 10 Apr 2021, 02:18

Anyway, the only really way to assess this is to look at the availability of the landing craft units and craft. So many units became operational and were rushed to Europe in spring 1944 I doubt there were enough to NEPTUNE and ANVIL simultaneously, unless one or both were pared back in scope. As I noted earlier, the landings on UTAH depended on the arrival of craft units in April, which tends to contraindicate the possibility of a February assault on UTAH.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Carl Schwamberger » 10 Apr 2021, 06:01

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by nota » 10 Apr 2021, 07:23

I did a what if on the south of France FIRST AS IT WAS WEAKER

and follow in the north asap but a while later
allowing the landing craft and warships time to move/ resupply ect
and the germans to move some troops weaking the north

agree med weather allows earlier strike and think that is why it should be first
plus somewhat less troops needed it the first day in the south
do not think feb weather or even april would be doable unless very lucky in the channel

but both a once risks both and is an unneeded or wanted risk
they need overwhelming forces supplies air support ect
split it and it no longer is overwhelming

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Juan G. C. » 10 Apr 2021, 09:21

Anyway, the only really way to assess this is to look at the availability of the landing craft units and craft. So many units became operational and were rushed to Europe in spring 1944 I doubt there were enough to NEPTUNE and ANVIL simultaneously, unless one or both were pared back in scope. As I noted earlier, the landings on UTAH depended on the arrival of craft units in April, which tends to contraindicate the possibility of a February assault on UTAH.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Juan G. C. » 10 Apr 2021, 11:31

I will try to resume and order what the different sources say to clear things up, although perhaps I end messing things more . Initially there was a deficit of 42 LST and 51 LCI (L). The americans propose a series of measures to make up for this deficit, "overloading transports (APA's), carrying vehicles in the APA's [and other transports?], using AKA's (cargo ships) in the initial lift, and finding (presumably from new production) an additional 27 LCT's" and also relying in greater serviceability and in general overloading transports and landing craft.

The 21st Army Group planning Staff objects to these measures: they do not separate the Ranger-Comando lift as if these troops were to be crowded in transports with other troops, and "to use LSI(L)'s, APA's, XAP's, and AKA's crammed with troops and vehicles on the first three tides, instead of LST's and LCI (L) 's, would not merely endanger these valuable ships and their contents, but, because of the time required to discharge vehicles, would delay uniting troops and vehicles into fighting formations ashore". Low vehicle discharge would seriosly retard the build up.

On 17 February the disagreement had narrowed to the use of attack transports instead of 42 LST for lifting 2,400 vehicles. On 18 February the 21st Army Group Staff dropped 7 LST and 30 LCI (L) from the requirements, but the sources do not make clear why (Overloading? Greater serviceability? But these are proposed to make up for the deficit AFTER this drop) This leaves a deficit of 35 LST and 21 LCI (L). Then it is proposed to take from ANVIL 20 LST and 21 LCI (L) and, as compensation for the LST, to transfer 6 AKA to the MTO, I presume for ANVIL. This still leaves a deficit of 15 LST, which is hoped would be absorbed by greater serviceability, overloading and new american production.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Sheldrake » 10 Apr 2021, 16:05

The 21st Army Group planning Staff objects to these measures: they do not separate the Ranger-Comando lift as if these troops were to be crowded in transports with other troops, and "to use LSI(L)'s, APA's, XAP's, and AKA's crammed with troops and vehicles on the first three tides, instead of LST's and LCI (L) 's, would not merely endanger these valuable ships and their contents, but, because of the time required to discharge vehicles, would delay uniting troops and vehicles into fighting formations ashore". Low vehicle discharge would seriosly retard the build up.

On 17 February the disagreement had narrowed to the use of attack transports instead of 42 LST for lifting 2,400 vehicles. On 18 February the 21st Army Group Staff dropped 7 LST and 30 LCI (L) from the requirements, but the sources do not make clear why

This may have reflected an arbitrary decision within 21st Army group to trim a certain percentage of vehicles as a compromise.

There were a lot of documents from the months before D Day reflecting horse trading about what should be loaded and what would be left as residue to follow later. There were lots of vehicles which had to be added into the loading as well as the decision as to what to leave until later. Lots of equipment was untested in the circumstances in which it might be used. Could a waterproofed Centaur tow a porpoise ammunition sled? Could two Centaurs fire from an LCT (A)? Who was responsible for planning the moves of the RAF AOP Squadrons? All of these decisions will have an impact on the loading plan. My notes extracted from Brigadier Parham's planning diary (Arty 2nd Army) contains entries which reflect the rather fluid discussions.

16 Feb Chief of Staff (COS) Conference. Bids called for for blocks of transport.

18 Feb - Chief of Staff conference - total deficit in vehicles 1300 vehicles up to D+6. Petroleum Port likely to be VP about D+10 – consider saving AA on Air fields as they likely to be close together. The rule for Assault divs – to 60 % then to 75%(D+2-D+6) then to WE

21 Feb 4. Bidding meeting 1700hrs re D+7-D+14. COS decreed
a. No Army AA less for Mulberry harbour, airfields and petroleum Port
b. No Army LAA except above + about one Bty 2 x Bridges in I Corps 2 Tps. (Pegasus Bridge)
c. Recommendation that 7.2” HA and 177(A) Fd cut out and one corps LAA cut out.

22 Feb Decision whether RAF wanted S/L on airfields - (no)

28 Feb - US 155 battalion confirmed as additional unit - (which will eventually be loaded to land no D Day)

4 March COS conference – everyone has overbid for craft. Not just for space but overloading the weight allowed in craft. The restrictions were hidden in an obscure appendix.

8 March It will take until D+14 to complete prearranged AA layouts. (a) beaches, Mulberry & Petroleum Port (b) all 10 airfields. (c) Orne Bridges (d) LAA for Corps and one LAA Regt as reserve. Residue -100 Bde & 2 x HAA

9 March Speculation about including 1 x HAA Regt in place of med arty.

14 March 8 x OP tanks on WE for Armd & Tk Bde HQ white scout cars for BC and COs to reach regts 20 march

20 March RAF want SL belt for night fighters from D+7- told to hurry up and put in bid

23 March “The big fact to emerge is that 83Gp considers that the AOP Sqns are under us and in fact for all intents and purposes are army units. =>
a. we should order endurance tests for the auster IV. b. Arrange to get a/c overseas c. Arrange the “whole service” Planning marshalling and transport for AOP.

1 April Urgent problem 93 LAA Regt. 27 crusaders triple 20mm SP not yet issued. 27 x triple 20mm towed by crusaders but NBG because electrically operated and power is inadequate and faulty

4 April 83 Group confirm no SL needed until D+17 85Gp say No 14 radar cannot be included in their landings as it cannot be waterproofed.

5 April M10s to be issued to BCs SP Atk Regts

7 April LAA electrically operated 20mm problems are not as bad a reported by unit. Makers checking. Checking whether towed triple 20mm can be waterproofed if not the solution is Crusader triple 20mm towing a bofors 40mm. Barberry (CRA 3 Cdn Div reports T14 radar included in 1st Lift. Memo to CoS that 1 x Regt HAA asked soon after D+17 is now D+38 and 9 AGRA only D+33-38

22 April 3. Crossland (9 AGRA) is briefed not needed until D+30

2 May Draft movement plan 2nd Army

17 May 2. Told by MGRA Monty turned down proposed Counter mortar organisation.


D-Day and beyond with a Scottish Artillery regiment: June 6, 1944 to February 27, 1945 revisited.

With my family I decided to reverse the campaign I followed, which had started on June 6, 1944 and finished on February 27,1945 in Germany. The plan was to visit, in addition, some of the Great War battlefields and locations, which the regiment had passed by in the darkness of one night in the middle of September 1944. We would end the trip by visiting the landing area of 6th June in Normandy and the scene of the battles that took place inland from that, on the date of the 60th anniversary.

Our first mission was to visit the place where my last attack was halted on the road between the two German villages of Udem and Weese. A new road had been built, so the old road where my infantry colleagues had suffered such grievous losses just looked like an infrequently used lay-by. However, the path leading to it through the forest looked very much as I remembered it. It was quiet and peaceful apart from some mosquitoes, but before that last attack had begun on February 27, 1945, I stood and watched German shells flying through the air towards the end of their flight and bursting two or three hundred yards behind us.

After reaching the road, the infantry to whom I was attached turned left, at right angles to the forest path, and were led along the ditch beside the road. Something in my training suggested that this was not safe as that is where the enemy would be most likely to focus their guns, so I walked alongside the trees a few yards away from them.

Suddenly shells began to burst all around the area and a machine gun opened up and the entire group of soldiers in the ditch was wiped out. I took cover behind a fallen tree, hoping that this might give me some protection from the shell bursts, but unfortunately I was hit by shell splinters on the back of my leg and shoulders and thus immobilised. Although virtually everyone I had been with, including the remaining South Lancashires officer and my own OP Ak (observation post assistant and radio operator) had long made themselves scarce, with great good fortune, a stretcher party was still within hailing distance and I was rescued and taken back behind the lines.

Despite suggesting to a military padre that I thought I might be away from the action for 48 hours, that was the end of my war. After a day in Nijmegen, I was flown from Eindhoven to Bruges for a week in a nunnery being used as a hospital, before being flown back to Swindon and transferred to hospital in Leicester for a further two months in a hospital there. When the war ended, I was back in Scotland, staying with my mother's family in Newport, Fife.

From the site of the engagement, we drove to the Reichswald Forest War Cemetery where those killed in those battles are remembered. The cemetery is on land given by the German nation to the British War Graves Commission. It was a glorious evening, which emphasised the peace and beauty of the place, which contained thousands upon thousands of headstones, including those of the two South Lancashire Company Commanders with whom I had been on that fateful day - 27th Februrary 1945.

On the way back to the hotel, we passed through the town of Venraij, which was little more than a large village in 1944/5, but is now a thriving town. I spent several days in December 1944 in an evacuated nunnery there overlooking the River Maas. One of my tasks was to report the bearings of the vapour trails of V2 rockets being fired from Germany.

Two other outstanding memories of the time were, firstly, on the afternoon of Christmas Day, watching an American B52 bomber returning from Germany. It flew over the Maas to our side of the river and then the crew baled out. It was heartbreaking to see each parachute being inexorably blown back onto the German side. Secondly, at midnight on Christmas Eve, the Germans in their trenches on the other of the river fired coloured tracer bullets from their machine guns up into the air, which made for a splendid firework display for several minutes.

On June 2, 2004, we visited a museum at Overloon in Holland, where there had been some very fierce fighting in September/October 1944. There is a 25 pounder field gun in the museum, which had been fired by the 76th (Highland) Field Regiment at Overloon at that time.

After a long drive from Holland to Flanders, we arrived at the town of Ypres. This is the town where the Menin Gate was built. A wonderful monument built in honour of the approximately 60,000 soldiers killed in that area during the Great War who have no known grave.

We were present there when the Last Post ceremony was carried out at 8 p.m. This has happened every day all the year round since the Gate's construction, in every year except those of the German occupation during the Second World War.

The following day, we made a tour of the Somme battefields taking in several landmarks, including the Pipers memorial at Longueval, near the South African memorial at Delville Wood. Also, the Cross of Remembrance and the Lochnagar crater at La Boisselle, which was created by exploding a mine beneath the German trenches on July 1, 1916, on the opening day of the Battle of the Somme. And a 'small' cemetery containing the graves of 99 Gordon Highlanders, who were caught in machine gun fire when attacking the village of Mametz.

At the Ulster tower, where there is a plaque commemorating the nine members of Irish regiments who won the Victoria Cross in those attacks, grandson Cameron went 'bullet hunting' in a field lying fallow beside the tower. Up a hill where the Ulsters advanced on that fateful morning lies a variety of military debris regularly unearthed as the local farmer ploughs the land. On the way back up, his Uncle Andy spotted a curved lump of metal extruding from the ground, which on closer investigation turned out to be a complete hand grenade, without the pin. After some clearing of earth with a sharp stone, Cameron was delighted to carry the prize back for the rest of the family's inspection. Only later was he advised that the grenade remained in excellent condition, with the detonator still intact and the explosive in remarkably good condition considering the passage of time! No, he wasn't allowed to keep it with the other less dangerous mementoes that he was able to gather!

From there to the magnificent Caribou Memorial at Beaumont Hamel to the Volunteer Newfoundland Regiment of Canada, who suffered appalling casualties and where in one spot, but one man survived. There too, is found the wooden Celtic Cross and the glorious figure of an unarmed Highland soldier on a cairn to commemorate the participation of the 51st Highland Division, in November 1916, also at Beaumont Hamel.

A small area of ground there still has the Allied and German trenches very well preserved and obvious there are also several war cemeteries that contain an uncomfortable number of soldiers from the Highland regiments - all lovingly cared for and therefore beautiful.

On to Vimy Ridge, which is a Canadian National Park. On the edge of the ridge has been built an enormous but stately shrine, on which are carved the thousands of names of Canadians who were killed during the conflict. There were four Turnbulls amongst them.

This short account of course does not do justice to the hundreds of places and cemeteries that we had to pass quickly by in the time we had available. The next day we had to make our way through to Normandy reversing my wartime journey. We did however, make a diversion to see the memorial to the 51st Highland Division of World War Two on the cliffs above St. Valery from which they could not be evacuated, and were subsequently forced to surrender, several days after the evacuation from Dunkirk in 1940.

In the afternoon, we finally travelled to the beautiful and peaceful Les Andelys on the Seine. It was from Les Andelys that I went with my regiment, in September 1944, in the darkness of one night, through all the battlefields of the Great War, traversing them as if they had never been. For by dawn the next morning, we were in Mons.

On the Saturday 5th June, we drove up to the landing beach area of Normandy. Our first port of call was the two chateaux near Bieville-Beauville, one occupied by the Germans and one by the British, where I spent several weeks starting in mid-June 1944. The Suffolk regiment finally captured the 'German' chateau on June 28 at the cost of 165 officers and men in an area described as 'the bloodiest square mile in Normandy'.

Although badly damaged, it has now been completely rebuilt. The grounds contain well used and looked after tennis courts and the trees have completely recovered from the battering and devastation of 60 years ago. The grounds are lovely, but we were told that they cover some grisly contents. The family presently occupying the chateau is in fact directly descended from the family who lived there prior to 1944. It was a pleasure to meet them and we were given a most kind and hospitable welcome.

The 'British' chateau, Le Londel, which had been my home for about six weeks, had just been sold and was in the process of being renovated. The marks on the walls, which had been made by shell splinters had all been covered up, but those in the stables building remained to tell the tale of the spasmodic, but persistent, bombardment to which the chateau had been subjected. The cellar in which I had spent most of my nights there had been filled in.

We were fortunate to meet the family farming the land at Le Londel. It was a glorious day, matched only by their kindness and hospitality. We were invited to the home of the parents living next door to the chateau, M. and Mme. Bruand, where we were provided with refreshments and I was presented with a bottle of Calvados, which M. Bruand's father had made there 40 years ago. That was special!

In the afternoon, we watched a parachute drop in the area of Pegasus Bridge and then went down to the beaches at Hermanville. It was beautifully warm, the sun was shining and there were many holidaymakers all enjoying a lovely summer's day. We were all received most kindly, especially by one Frenchman and his daughter, who took some photographs and have since sent them to us. All the houses were decorated with French, British, Canadian and some American flags. It was an afternoon to remember.

Before returning to Les Andelys, we visited the British Cemetery at Ranville. This cemetery, like all the others, is so beautiful and peaceful. It contains the grave of Major Peter Beecroft, with whom I was speaking while he was half-emerged from his tank turret, when suddenly an enemy artillery barrage rained down upon us. I dived into a slit trench below the tank and was less than pleased as the tank moved away as it was my main protection against the shells landing nearby. Unknown to me, he had been killed and his driver was probably unaware even of my presence. I had not been to Ranville before, so it was more than special.

Sunday, June 6, 2004, was another glorious summer's day, which began with another long drive to Caen. Our first visit was to the Caen Memorial Building, behind which on the previous evening, Prince Charles had opened a Memorial Garden for the British forces, which we had hoped to see. However, it had been put 'out of bounds' for security reasons as the 'dignitaries' were dining and making speeches there that same evening.

It was with difficulty that we were allowed even to take a photograph of the building and the flags arrayed outside it. We proceeded from there to the centre of Caen, below the castle where the '3 Div' Memorial commemorating the liberation of the city is situated. It is simple but beautiful.

We had lunch nearby and then drove to Pegasus Bridge via the 'German' Chateau de la Londe. The immediate vicinity of the west end of Pegasus Bridge had been turned into a Fun Fair, noisy and smelling of fast food, and thereby completely lacking any dignity or reverence. A travesty, but the new bridge made a good background for a family photograph!

By this time we had decided to make our way back to the sea front at Hermanville. The traffic was very heavy, so the journey was made with some difficulty. Gendarmes were very much in evidence at every road junction and only those with good reason for going to the beach area were allowed to do so. We were very impressed by the politeness and helpfulness of the Gendarmes, who issued us with a pass to facilitate our progress to Hermanville.

The events of the late afternoon and evening were the only official events that we attended during our stay in Normandy. The first was the unveiling of the plaque dedicated to the East Yorkshire regiment by the present commander of the British 3rd Division. The plaque recalled the events of that memorable day 60 years ago. It reads:

'To the everlasting memory of the officers and men of the 2nd and 5th battalions of the East Yorkshire Regiment who landed on the beaches of Hermanville-sur-Mer and La Riviere in the first wave of the Allied Assault on 6th June 1944 and in proud and grateful tribute to those whose courage that day and in the days that followed was to cost them their lives.
EACH RISKED ALL IN FREEDOM'S CAUSE.'

Close by, there was a small plinth dedicated to the East Yorkshires fellow assault battalion that day - the South Lancashire regiment. This reads:

'The town of Hermanville-sur-Mer was liberated on the morning of 6th June 1944 by the 1st Battalion of the The South Lancashire Regiment (Prince of Wales Volunteers).'

This memorial is dedicated to the memory of the 288 officers and men of the battalion who sacrificed their lives on D Day and in the subsequent campaign to free North West Europe.

Both messages, timely reminders of what happened in those dreadful days of 60 years ago.

After this parade was over, we went to the Hermanville War Cemetery, where the casualties incurred on the beach and nearby are interred. The headstones served to emphasise that the people they represent, some of whom I knew like brothers, just did not come home. Again however, a most beautiful and peaceful place and a service was held there, after which the children of the village placed flowers on the lovingly tended graves. As usual, a most moving time.

The ceremonies came to a close with a reception in the Village Hall hosted by the Deputy Consul General of the Normandy Council and the present commander of the British 3rd Division, when chest badges were presented to those present who had landed on D Day.

Throughout the trip, the weather was glorious and the French people we met so friendly that it was difficult to believe that those terrible days of 60 years ago could ever have happened. Every house was decorated with French, British, Canadian and American flags and the genuine gratitude of the French people was most touching.

We returned home thanking God that those dreadful days filled with death, destruction and dismay, had been replaced by days of life, love and laughter. We must all make the most of them!

Tony Turnbull (Captain, 76th Highland Field Regiment, RA, British 3rd Division)
Ramsay Street, Edzell, Angus, Scotland.

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6 February 1944 - History

Documents on Germany, 1944-1959 : background documents on Germany, 1944-1959, and a chronology of political developments affecting Berlin, 1945-1956
(1959)

Draft election law of the Bundestag of the Federal Republic of Germany, February 6, 1952, pp. 82-84 PDF (1.1 MB)

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Mi Amigo: the deadly WW2 bomber crash in Sheffield play park that killed 10 airmen

Shortly before 5pm on 22 February 1944, Lt John Kriegshauser, a 23-year-old American pilot, found himself in grave danger: his B-17 Flying Fortress, nicknamed 'Mi Amigo', had been badly damaged by enemy fighters over Nazi-occupied Denmark and, struggling back to base in Northamptonshire, he urgently needed somewhere to land. Below him was the bustling city of Sheffield. With the aircraft’s engines fading fast, Lt Kriegshauser realised he would need to crash-land – in Endcliffe Park, where a group of schoolchildren was gathered

This competition is now closed

Published: February 21, 2019 at 12:35 pm

Narrowly avoiding the children, as well as nearby houses and roads, Lt Kriegshauser crashed into mature woodland in the park. Smashing into a hillside, the aircraft exploded, killing all 10 airmen on board.

No civilians on the ground were injured or killed. Had it not been for Lt Kriegshauser’s consummate skill – for which he was posthumously awarded the US Distinguished Flying Cross – it is assumed the death toll would have been considerably higher.

The big week

Paul Allonby, author of Courage Above the Clouds: the true heroic story of the crew of B-17 ‘Mi Amigo’, explains that the US bomber had been part of a daylight operation by aircraft from the 305th Bombardment Group, US 8th Army Air Force, based at Chelveston Airfield, Northamptonshire, to bomb the Luftwaffe military air base located at Aalborg in Nazi-occupied Denmark.

On 20 February 1944, the 305 was selected to take part in a raid involving 700 aircraft to Leipzig, Germany, as part of a week-long joint campaign code-named Operation Argument, “which involved US bombers attacking by day, and Royal Air Force bombers striking by night,” writes Allonby. “The aim was to attack the Nazi aviation industry, and Luftwaffe bases.”

Known as the ‘Big Week’, Operation Argument was one of the most critical periods of the entire war, says military historian James Holland. Germany lost significant numbers of Luftwaffe fighters and pilots.

But on 22 February, things did not go to plan – the military air base at Aalborg was covered by fog and so could not be pinpointed, and the group of planes soon found itself under attack by German enemy fighters. Three B-17s in the formation were shot down, with most crew members being killed and the others captured as prisoners of war.

The mission was aborted and the surviving aircraft began their journey home to England, jettisoning their bombs over the North Sea en route (‘Mi Amigo’ was carrying a total bomb load of 4,000 lbs). ‘Mi Amigo’ had been badly damaged in the attack.

Looking for a place to land

Engines fading fast, Mi Amigo’s pilot, Lt Kriegshauser, urgently needed somewhere to land, writes Allonby. “He began to descend cautiously, and suddenly came out through the clouds low over a major city – Sheffield, in South Yorkshire. Ahead were houses, roads, trees and a splash of green: Endcliffe Park, a public play area, complete with a river, woods and a bandstand.

“As Lt Kriegshauser used every bit of his skill and experience, at least one engine began to cut out. Seeing only the grassed area of the park ahead, a split-second decision was needed.”

Would-be rescuers

Moments after ‘Mi Amigo’ crash-landed in Endcliffe Park, firemen hurried to the scene to find trees uprooted and crushed beneath the destroyed bomber, with wreckage strewn across the hillside. The aircraft had split into two and the front section was on fire, says Allonby. Around 20 firefighters fought for more than an hour to put out the blaze.

The 10 airmen killed in the ‘Mi Amigo’ crash were:

First Lieutenant John Kriegshauser (pilot)

Second Lieutenant Lyle Curtis (co-pilot)

Second Lieutenant John Humphrey (navigator)

Staff Sergeant Harry Estabrooks (flight engineer/top turret gunner)

Second Lieutenant Melchor Hernandez (bombardier)

Staff Sergeant Robert Mayfield (radio operator)

Sergeant Charles Tuttle (ball turret gunner)

Sergeant Vito Ambrosio (waist gunner)

Sergeant George Williams (waist gunner)

Sergeant Maurice Robbins (tail gunner)

Three of the men are buried in the UK – Harry Estabrooks, Charles Tuttle and Maurice Robbins – at the Cambridge American Cemetery. The remains of the other seven crewmen were returned home after the war.

Remembering the ‘Mi Amigo’ airmen

The first memorial service for the ‘Mi Amigo’ airmen was held in 1969 and there has since been an annual commemoration.

A memorial stone surrounded by 10 oak trees was planted in 1969 to commemorate the 10 airmen killed in the crash.

This year’s memorial service and wreath-laying ceremony will take place in Endcliffe Park on Sunday 24 February at 1.15pm.

This year, for the first time, a fly-past will take place to honour the ‘Mi Amigo’ airmen. A number of planes from both the US Air Force and the Royal Air Force will fly over Endcliffe Park on the morning of 22 February, the official 75th anniversary of the crash. History Extra spoke with BBC Breakfast presenter Dan Walker, whose chance encounter with Tony Foulks – who witnessed the ‘Mi Amigo’ crash as a young boy in 1944 and has tended to the crash memorial for nearly 75 years – led to the organisation of the flypast. Find out more here.

This article was written by Emma Mason, digital editor at History Extra and first published on 5 February 2019.

With special thanks to Paul Allonby, author of Courage Above the Clouds: the true heroic story of the crew of B-17 ‘Mi Amigo’.


Reopening the Case

In 1983, a pro bono legal team with new evidence re-opened the 40-year-old case in a federal district court on the basis of government misconduct. They showed that the government’s legal team had intentionally suppressed or destroyed evidence from government intelligence agencies reporting that Japanese Americans posed no military threat to the U.S. The official reports, including those from the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover, were not presented in court. On November 10, 1983, a federal judge overturned Korematsu’s conviction in the same San Francisco courthouse where he had been convicted as a young man.

The district court ruling cleared Korematsu’s name, but the Supreme Court decision still stands. Writing for the majority, Justice Hugo Black held that "all legal restrictions which curtail the civil rights of a single racial group are immediately suspect" and subject to tests of "the most rigid scrutiny," not all such restrictions are inherently unconstitutional. "Pressing public necessity," he wrote, "may sometimes justify the existence of such restrictions racial antagonism never can."

In a strongly worded dissent, Justice Robert Jackson contended: "Korematsu . has been convicted of an act not commonly thought a crime," he wrote. "It consists merely of being present in the state whereof he is a citizen, near the place where he was born, and where all his life he has lived." The nation's wartime security concerns, he contended, were not adequate to strip Korematsu and the other internees of their constitutionally protected civil rights.

He called the exclusion order "the legalization of racism” that violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. He compared the exclusion order to the “abhorrent and despicable treatment of minority groups by the dictatorial tyrannies which this nation is now pledged to destroy. He concluded that the exclusion order violated the Fourteenth Amendment by “fall[ing] into the ugly abyss of racism."


This Picture Tells a Tragic Story of What Happened to Women After D-Day

T hey called it the épuration sauvage, the wild purge, because it was spontaneous and unofficial. But, yes, it was savage, too. In the weeks and months following the D-Day landings of June 6, 1944, Allied troops and the resistance swept across France liberating towns and villages, and unleashing a flood of collective euphoria, relief and hope. And then the punishments began.

The victims were among the most vulnerable members of the community: Women. Accused of &ldquohorizontal collaboration&rdquo &mdash sleeping with the enemy &mdash they were targeted by vigilantes and publicly humiliated. Their heads were shaved, they were stripped half-naked, smeared with tar, paraded through towns and taunted, stoned, kicked, beaten, spat upon and sometimes even killed.

One photograph from the era shows a woman standing in a village as two men forcibly restrain her wrists a third man grabs a hank of her blonde hair, his scissors poised to hack it away. Just as the punished were almost always women, their punishers were usually men, who acted with no legal mandate or court-given authority. Although some were loyal resistance members, others had themselves dabbled in collaborationist activity and were anxious to cleanse their records before the mob turned on them, too. About 6,000 people were killed during the épuration sauvage &mdash but the intense, cruel, public ferocity of the movement focused not on serious collaborationist crime. Instead, it zeroed in on women accused of consorting with the enemy.

When I first started researching a novel about France during the Second World War, I was expecting to find horrors that took place during the dark years of the Nazi Occupation. Instead, I was surprised to discover that, for thousands of women, the Liberation marked the beginning of a different nightmare. At least 20,000 French women are known to have been shorn during the wild purge that occurred in waves between 1944 to 1945 &mdash and the historian Anthony Beevor believes the true figure may be higher.

The suspicion and punishment of women after World War II is part of a cycle of repression and sexism that began long before D-Day and continues to be seen today, in the conversation around the #MeToo movement. It begins with a terrible event, then women get blamed, then aggressively attacked and finally the assault is forgotten. In the 74 years since the D-Day landings, the barbarity of the épuration sauvage &mdash its violence against women &mdash has often been overlooked. As I learned more about these women, their stories and images haunted me, compelling me to write about them. The result is my novel, The Lost Vintage, which features a character accused of horizontal collaboration.

Some of the women had, indeed, slept with Nazi soldiers. Some were prostitutes. But some were raped. Some were the targets of personal revenge, framed and falsely accused. Some had only the briefest contact with their occupiers, as was the case of a funeral wreath maker in Toulouse. One day she was working at home next to an open window when a German soldier strolled up and began talking to her. Their entire conversation took place at the window &mdash he never even entered her house. After the Liberation, a witness would later recall, a mob came for her, stripping and shearing her, dragging her through town as her teenage daughter cowered behind.

The majority of the punished were single &mdash unmarried, widowed, or married women whose husbands were prisoners of war. For single mothers, sleeping with a German was sometimes the only way to obtain food for their starving children.


Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Richard Anderson » 02 May 2021, 22:33

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:34

And, it was actually six assault divisions afloat for NEPTUNE - US 1st, 4th, 29th British 3rd, 50th Canadian 3rd.

So, I'd suggest avoiding passive aggressive comments, and engage factually with the discussion or drop out.

Given the assault elements of the 29th Inf Div were attached to the 1st Inf Div and the 29th Inf Div was actually considered a follow-on division as part of FORCE B, the same advice may apply?

Meanwhile, technically the divisions "afloat" (including the "preloaded" divisions) for NEPTUNE were actually the 1st, 2d, 4th, 29th, and 90th US, the 3d, 7th Armoured, 50th, and 51st British, and 2d Canadian..

Are troops "afloat" in anything (in X-APs, APs, USATs, APcs, AKs, etc. and their US WSA and British Merchant Navy and Allied equivalents, much less aboard freighters and landing barges) the same as troops in "assault" (APAs, AKAs, LSIs (of whatever subtype you wish), LSDs, LSTs, LCIs, LCTs, etc.) shipping? Discuss amongst yourselves.

I appreciate the point of the statement about pedantry in your sig line.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:41

Fair response thank you. Given the significance of the reality that an Allied army group-sized force could be sustained over the beach in the summer of 1943, however, I'd say it's not a stretch, especially compared to some of the concepts various and sundry boffins thought were necessary.

Given I'm not writing something for Proceedings or Parameters at the moment, I'll plead it really is too nice a day. Waves are breaking, palm trees are swaying, and there's a cold frosty one with my name on it on the lenai.

But let's continue the conversation. It's more entertaining than spending the morning trying to get ahead of Monday's deliverables.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:48

It was only possible to do it simultaneously by curtailing all operations using LST and LCT in Italy, which would have eliminated the execution of DIADEM and the possibility of annihilating 10. Armee (and, yes, of course Clark screwed that up to, but hindsight. )

I've already noted the narrow margins WRT LCT. NEPTUNE required 238 LST for the assault and follow-on, DRAGOON 77, while there were 229 in the UK, 25 in the Med, 95 on the US East Coast working up, and 101 in the Pacific. NEPTUNE required 94 LCI(L), DRAGOON 121. There were 245 in the UK, 91 in the Med, 89 on the East Coast, 41 on the West Coast, and 132 in the Pacific.

LST requirements are a none-starter, recall Churchill's famous quote. LCI(L) look better, so you can land more unsupported infantry if you want.

Those landing craft were not diverted to NGS assignments, they did not fulfill the role of NGS, they were direct-fire support for the landings, because it was perceived - quite correctly - that NGS was not a panacea. It could not target everything, it was not always available when needed, and communications to it frequently broke down.

You seem to assume yourself the requirement was imaginary? Why? Are you trying to make an ASS out of both U and ME?

Cancelling SHINGLE would have been helpful. I agree.

By your numbers:
LST need (OVERLORD/ANVIL) - 315
LST active (not including any you described as "working up") - 356

LCI need - 215
LCI active (not, presumably, including any in US waters) - 468

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:49

Was there a gradient, however, between "necessity" and "nice to have"?

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:52

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:55

So, an appeal to an unnamed authority - "remarks, probably by Mountbatten" .

And, FWIW, the professional heads of the respective American and British services were the Combined Chiefs of Staff . the CCS. See:

#1 The reference wasn't not an unnamed authority, but to a source document linked from post #202 generated by Mountbatten's HQ.

#2 This was a view accepted by the Combined Combined Staffs, the professional heads of the respective American and British services. No one slammed the table at Quadrant and said "Good god if we landed seven divisions in Husky you can land more than three in Overlord!" Nope they built the additional landing craft to land two more divisions.

The constraint was not the number of divisions afloat but the number of beaches that could be assaulted on D Day.

HUSKY assault forces were (depending on how one counts various maneuver elements, of course) seven reinforced infantry divisions (US 1st, 3rd, 45th, British 5th, 50th, 51st Canadian 1st)' NEPTUNE was six (US 1st, 4th, 29th, British 3rd, 50th, Canadian 3rd). How many beaches do you need?

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:58

Ne ego si iterum eodem modo vicero, sine ullo milite Epirum revertar.

Except there wasn't even an Allied victory at Dieppe : D

If we want to twist words beyond their meaning, the Germans have lost the Battle of France, because it was nothing more than just a stepstone in their way towards defeat, and the BEF got valuable experience how to evacuate. Also it wasn't a battle, but a campaign, and it wasn't in France, because it was also fought in the Low Countries. But those are not really the Low Countries, because the key movements took place in the Ardennes. But that wasn't the key movement, because the key movement was taking place in Berlin. But in fact the key wasn't what the Germans were doing, but what the Allies were doing, so. etc.

In the context of the Canadian Army in 1939-45, actually, the fact they were volunteers is signifcant.

Again, how was JUBILEE a "success"?

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by daveshoup2MD » 02 May 2021, 22:59

Because, as it says, it was a compromise more acceptable to them than any other options. and, I suspect, because it helped delay ANVIL to the point where the CIGS hoped it would be cancelled.

I note you found why the AKA were not utilized in NEPTUNE.

Re: OVERLORD and ANVIL with the February 1944 compromise on landing craft allocation

Post by Richard Anderson » 02 May 2021, 23:39

LST = Landing Ship Tank. It's a landing ship. It lands tanks. On the beach.

Wait, here's one doing just that during HUSKY . ". Tanks from LST 2 helped repulse a German counter attack on the beachhead on July 11, immediately after disembarking."

Yep, on 11 July. When was the landing begun?

"July 8, 1943, o645, Underway from Gulf of Tunis, part of operations BIGOT-HUSKY Task Organization 80.6, Reserve Group KOOL, loaded with cargo consisting of: Twenty (20) medium tanks, thirty-eight (38) other miscellaneous vehicles, and two hundred and seventy-two (272) army personnel, total cargo weighing 995.3 tons.
.
July 10, 1943, 2025, anchored one (1) mile off Blue Beach 67.
.
July 11, 0614, Underway under orders from Commanding General KOOL, to procede to Blue Beach 67 to disembark cargo.
.
0634, Anchored by stern off Blue Beach 67, 300 yards of beach with two (2) fathoms of water at end of ramp. Cargo discharged by LCTs.
.
1025, [First five (5) tanks unloaded to beach.]
.
1100, Beachmaster came aboard requesting that tanks be unloaded as fast as possible, as they were urgently needed.
.
1715, LCT-491 left bow with last of cargo."

LST = Landing Ship Tank. It's a landing ship. It lands tanks. It lands miscellaneous vehicles. It lands equipment. It lands stores. It lands troops. On a secured (theoretically in this case) beach. In this case, it landed those tanks about 32 hours and 25 minutes after the assault began.

Your summary sentence is illuminating: "Given that the NEPTUNE requirement was for 814 LCT of all types and DRAGOON 158 and that as of 1 June 1944, the USN and RN in Europe had just 1,019 on hand, with another 58 still working up on the US East Coast, 1 on the US West Coast, and 142 in the Pacific and Indian oceans, that was problematically tight, especially considering the expected versus the actual serviceability rates."

Need - 972
Active (setting aside those working up, again using your numbers): 1161.


. . . . .

If we were really fighting for turned-up trouser-ends, I should be inclined to be pro-Axis. Turn-ups have no function except to collect dust, and no virtue except that when you clean them out you occasionally find a sixpence there. But beneath that tailor’s jubilant cry there lies another thought: that in a little while Germany will be finished, the war will be half over, rationing will be relaxed, and clothes snobbery will be in full swing again. I don’t share that hope. The sooner we are able to stop food rationing the better I shall be pleased, but I would like to see clothes rationing continue till the moths have devoured the last dinner-jacket and even the undertakers have shed their top-hats. I would not mind seeing the whole nation in dyed battledress for five years if by that means one of the main breeding points of snobbery and envy could be eliminated. Clothes rationing was not conceived in a democratic spirit, but all the same it has had a democratizing effect. If the poor are not much better dressed, at least the rich are shabbier. And since no real structural change is occurring in our society, the mechanical levelling process that results from sheer scarcity is better than nothing.


Watch the video: D-DAY: June 6, 1944: ACTION at the Normandy Beaches (January 2022).